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Harris Jr. Killian also wrote, "A civilian occupation made it necessary for him to move to Montgomery, Ala. He cleared this base on May 15, , and has been performing equivalent training in a non-flying status with the Tac Recon Gp. Back in Houston, in late or early , Bush did unpaid volunteer work for a number of months with an inner-city poverty program, Project P. Professional United Leadership League , the brainchild of John White, a former professional football player and civic leader. Bush was paid for drilling on April 7—8, That service presumably occurred at his home base, Ellington Air Force Base , in Houston, in contradiction to the information in his performance review.

For May , Bush was paid for service on fifteen days: 1—3, 8—11, 19—20, 22—24, and For June, he was paid for five days; for July his last month of drilling for 19 days.

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However, there is nothing in the released military documents that shows that he actually reported for duty on those days, or exactly where, or what duties he performed. On May 27, , Bush signed a six-year obligation.

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That required him to complete "48 scheduled inactive-duty training periods" each fiscal year typically consisting of four four-hour periods during one weekend each month , plus a minimum of 15 days of Annual Active Duty Training. For Bush, as a pilot, this was typically split into periods of duty of a few days each during the year. The Boston Globe reported in September that "Bush fell well short of meeting his military obligation. On July 30, , his last day of paid service in the Texas Air National Guard, Bush signed a statement that "I have been counseled this date regarding my plans to leave my present Reserve of [sic] assignment due to moving from this area.

I understand that: a. If I disassociate from my current Ready Reserve Assignment, it is my responsibility to locate and be assigned to another Reserve Forces unit or mobilization augmentation position. If I fail to do so, I am subject to involuntary order to active duty for up to 24 months under the provisions of AFM , chapter Bush had completed five years, four months, and five days toward his six-year service obligation.

On November 21, , he was discharged from the Air Force Reserve, ending his military service.

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In September , Lawrence Korb , an Assistant Secretary of Defense under President Ronald Reagan, after reviewing the payroll records for Bush's last two years of service, concluded that they indicated that Bush did not fulfill his obligations and could have been ordered to active duty as a result. During the presidential campaign, various military records of Bush were made public by the Bush campaign. On February 13, , during Bush's re-election campaign, more than additional pages of documents on Bush's service were released, including those from the National Personnel Records Center , under the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act.

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Air Force , seeking access to all of Bush's records during his military service. On July 8, , the Pentagon reported that the microfilmed payroll records of Bush and numerous other service members had been inadvertently ruined in and by the Defense Finance and Accounting Service during a project to salvage deteriorating microfilm. The records lost included those covering July through September , when Bush's claims of service in Alabama were in question, and the Pentagon reported that no paper backups were found. On July 23, , the Pentagon reported that the records it had previously reported destroyed had been found.

A Pentagon official said the earlier statement that the records were destroyed was an "inadvertent oversight.

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Like the records released earlier by the White House, the newly released documents did not indicate that Bush performed any drills, in Alabama or elsewhere, during May through September On September 7, , the White House released the flight logs recording the flights done by Bush as a pilot.

Louis, which is the central repository for veterans' records. She said the logs were found among a batch of records sent to St. Louis from Norton Air Force Base in , which were originally thought to contain records of active-duty officers rather than of National Guardsmen such as Bush. On September 29, , the White House released a November document, saying it had been in Bush's personnel file and that the Pentagon had found it. On October 5, , more than a week after a court-imposed deadline to turn over all records of Bush's military service, the Texas Air National Guard produced two previously unreleased documents four pages of records that included Bush's orders for his last day of active duty in On October 14, , two weeks after Texas National Guard officials signed an oath swearing they had turned over all records, the Texas National Guard released 31 additional pages of documents found by two retired Army lawyers who went through Guard files under an agreement between the Texas National Guard and The Associated Press, which sued to gain access to the files.

A Guard spokesman defended the continuing discoveries, saying Guard officials did not find all of Bush's records because they were disorganized and in poor shape. They have never [ sic ] been sitting in an uncontrolled climate," said Lt. John Stanford. The "Killian documents" were initially claimed by CBS to have come from the "personal files" of the late Lt. The Killian documents are widely considered to be fake. Starting with a Free Republic web posting by Harry MacDougald, a conservative Republican lawyer posting under the blogger name, "Buckhead.

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For instance, it is unlikely that the typewriters available to Killian's secretary could have produced such a document, and the documents contained U. Army, rather than U. Air Force, jargon. The forgery allegations subsequently came to the attention of the mainstream media, especially after experts also questioned the documents' authenticity and lack of a chain of custody. The man who delivered the copies, Lt. Bill Burkett , a former officer in the Texas Army National Guard and outspoken Bush critic, claimed that he burned the originals.

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Burkett admitted lying to CBS and USA Today about where he had obtained the papers and eventually expressed doubts of his own about their authenticity. CBS and Dan Rather initially defended the documents and the report, [67] but on September 20, — less than two months before Election Day, CBS News stated that it had been "misled" and that it could not authenticate the documents and should not have used them. Boccardi to investigate the story and the handling of the Killian memos.

Prior to the panel report being completed, Rather announced the date of his retirement, [72] left 60 Minutes Wednesday , stepped down as anchor on March 9, , and then left CBS altogether on June 20, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. George Walker Bush. Main article: Killian documents. See also: Killian documents authenticity issues.

Bush November 10, Decision Points. Ebury Publishing. National Review. Retrieved October 25, February 14, The New York Times. Retrieved May 3, Archived from the original PDF on 19 April Retrieved 4 September Archived from the original on December 16, Retrieved May 24, Washington Times. September 7, Archived from the original on November 20, Retrieved May 4, Retrieved September 18, Archived from the original on January 17, It seems unlikely AFRICOM could have gotten there in time for them on that fateful night, though that does not come close to excusing the failure to try.

They fought valiantly for many hours after our military learned, very early on, that the battle was raging. They ran to the sound of the guns. After saving over 30 of their countrymen, they paid with their lives. The armed forces, General Lovell recalled, knew that terrorists were attacking them. Yet no one came to their aid. His moving testimony made that clear. Still, his version of events is deeply unsatisfying. This Foggy Bottom focus had me groping for my pocket Constitution. Sure enough, Article II was as I remembered it. Much as Hillary Clinton may desire to be the commander-in-chief of the United States armed forces, that job does not belong to the secretary of state. It was the solemn duty of the president to come forward with not requests but commands for action.

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  • Clinton or Tripoli. They answered to Barack Obama. Of course, no one can answer to a commander-in-chief who abdicates his command, a commander-in-chief who is AWOL. Yet we are still waiting, ever waiting, for an account of where the president was, what he was doing, and what if any directives he gave during the hours and hours during which Americans were being tormented and killed. So with Benghazi we get the stonewall, a barricade his praetorian media have been only too happy to fortify. Well, next to no accounting. We do know that the president was informed about the Benghazi siege only minutes after it began — because military officials, who have felt obliged to account for their actions, have reported telling him about it.

    We have been told, moreover, that about five hours after learning that Americans were under attack, Obama had a phone call with Secretary Clinton — immediately after which, even as Woods and Doherty were still fighting for their lives , Clinton put out a statement spinning the Benghazi violence as the product of an obscure anti-Muslim Internet video.

    Interestingly, the White House had initially — and apparently falsely — insisted that the president had not spoken on the phone with Secretary Clinton or other senior cabinet and military officials. Obviously, the president of the United States perceives no similar obligation. And, of course, it will be up to President Trump whether to actually use them—something no previous president appears to have done. In short, he said, the presidency is weak, Congress has vast authority, and if the president feels the need to act without congressional authority, he has to ask Congress to absolve him afterward.

    Goitein writes: PEADS are closely guarded within the government; none has ever been publicly released or leaked.

    And Haines ducked my question. Seems to me that someone should organize a teach-in to grapple with that possibility.